Journal of Roy C. Hilton, Note Book B: A Personal Letter, 1943-1944

Title

Journal of Roy C. Hilton, Note Book B: A Personal Letter, 1943-1944

Description

The second part of Hilton's letter to his daughters. This journal covers the remainder of his time at The Citadel through his service in World War I.

Source

A2010.26

Publisher

The Citadel Archives & Museum

Rights

Materials in The Citadel Archives & Museum Digital Collections are intended for educational and research use. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any claimants of copyright. For more information contact The Citadel Archives & Museum, The Citadel, The Military College of South Carolina, Charleston, South Carolina, 29409.

Relation

Roy C. Hilton Collection

Format

application/pdf

Language

English

Type

Text

Identifier

https://citadeldigitalarchives.omeka.net/items/show/829

Date Valid

Text

[Page 1]
Note Book
“B”

Roy C. Hilton
Col. G. S. C. (Inf).
Laurens, S.C., USA

A Personal Letter (cont’d)

[Page 2]
[Blank page.]

[Page 3]
79.
(cont’d from page 71 Book A)

Punishments for delinquencies were sufficiently severe to produce desired results. These ranged from an admonition to a dishonorable discharge from the institution. In between these extremes were such punishments as the following: awarding of demerits, the accumulation of which beyond an authorized maximum caused dismissal from college; restriction to quarters during leave periods; walking of punishment tours on the quadrangle during leave periods; and, for cadet officers and non-commissioned officers, reduction to the grade of private; or, combinations of the above mentioned punishments.

By February 22nd of each year the corps of cadets had reached such a state of perfection in military drills that it could be placed on exhibition. At this time our weekly

[Page 4]
Dress Parades were started and were held each Friday afternoon following the drill period. The uniforms for these ceremonies were full dress coats of the long-tail, brass-button, gold-braid style, white trousers, white cross-belts, white gloves, and for headgear the tall shako with black plume or pom pom. The Cadet Band, which had also developed into a fine organization, played an important and a conspicuous part in these ceremonies. There usually were a large number of visitors present which was an additional incentive for us to put forth our best efforts. The visitors stand usually included the sweethearts of many of the cadets. The smart dress of the cadets, combined with snappy movements and perfect

[Page 5]
81.
unison in executing the marches and the manual of arms, made a spectacular exhibition. These ceremonies also proved of value from the standpoint of training in that they added to the espris of the cadet corps.

Toward the latter part of each college year field training, to include two weeks of encampment, was held. These periods were looked forward to as pleasant outings. A chance to fire our rifles and to win a marksmanship medal was given us during field training. During one of these periods we marched to Orangeburg - about 80 miles distant, - camping along the route of march and completing the training while in camp at that town. On another occasion we went into camp at Fort Moultrie and

[Page 6]
operated the Coast Artillery weapons there as part of our training. By this method, our year of military training was made more comprehensive and more popular. * (see page 87)

So far, I have discussed chiefly the military features of my college life. There was no lessening of academic requirements nor lowering of scholastic standards on account of military requirements. The work of gaining an education is a slow and tedious one under any circumstances - and we found that constant study, attention to lectures, and periodic reviews were necessary to pass successfully the examinations for advancement from class to class. Of the two degrees given by the Citadel to her graduates, the B.S. and the A.B. degrees,

[Page 7]
83.
I selected studies leading to the Bachelor of Science degree, and elected Advanced English as my major subject.

During Christmas holidays and summer vacations I returned to Greenwood and boarded in the home of my step-mother. Wallace and Helen also boarded in this home. When work was available during summer months, I took advantage of such opportunities to pay for living expenses. One summer i was fortunate enough to get employment with some of my college professors on a job of surveying the Congaree River below Columbia. I made from $50.00 to $70.00 per month at this work while living pleasantly on a house-boat which we floated down the river. On other occasions I was able to find short-time employment

[Page 8]
as clerk, or in distributing advertising literature, for store-keepers in Greenwood.

Along with the serious work of gaining an education there were also lighter and pleasanter activities of college life. Athletics and social functions were most prominent among these. In my class (class of 1915) and in the class of 1916 were two of the best athletes who had attended the Citadel for some time. These were Bill Folger and Johnnie Weeks. Our football, basketball, and track teams ranked with the best in the state due chiefly to the ability of these two players. For one year in my four years, The Citadel won the state football championship. For a few of the best out-of-town games we took the whole student body along in a chartered “Citadel-Special” train.

[Page 9]
85
Basketball, and track events, were important as minor athletics providing healthful exercise for participants and amusement to others.

Chief among our social functions were the weekly dances and formal Hops. For the informal dances we made use of the mess-hall and invited Charleston girls for dance partners. There was a certain group of these girls who showed preference to Citadel dances over those of Charleston College, or the Medical College - these were excellent dancers and were called by us ‘The Citadel Girls’. Formal Hops were held two or three times each year, usually preceding Thanksgiving, Christmas, and Commencement exercises. These being much more elaborate affairs, a hall in the city was engaged and cadets invited

[Page 10]
their best girl friends. Special orchestras, favors and refreshments helped to make these Hops more enjoyable. Another enjoyable function was the Cadet Picnic. This was held in the Spring, and at one of the beaches where swimming furnished part of the entertainment. Lunches were furnished by our mess, and again the Charleston ‘Citadel Girls’ were invited. I played favorite to two of these girls, Elizabeth Leathers and Charlotte Whaley.

Extra curricular activities in which I participated were class athletics, military competitions and the literary society. I planned to play varsity football and was called back for early Fall-practice in my sophomore year. Unfortunately, during

[Page 11]
87. the first two weeks of practice I received a blow over my kidneys which incapacitated me for the remainder of the season. After this, except for track events, I confined my athletics to class events. I took part in our varsity track competition, running in the mile-relay event. As a side event for further mental training, almost everyone joined one of the literary societies. I was a member of the Polytechnic Literary Society and have a diploma from this society along with my college diploma. I enjoyed participating in debates and feel that I was benefitted [sic] thereby.

(* Insert on page 82). Our military system was run as an organization of cadets, by cadets, and for cadets. It was an Honor System and any dishonorable act

[Page 12]
such as making a fake official-statement, cheating on examinations, failure in performance of duty, etc., meant dismissal. The college motto was, “Duty in the Sublimest word in the English Language.” To the unmilitary type of cadet it was more appropriate to change the motto and say, “X.M.D. (excused military duty) are the sublimest words in the English language. Cadet leaders were selected and appointed from the most efficient students of each class. Corporals, the lowest rank of leaders were members of the Sophomore class; Sergeants were members of the Junior class; and officers- Captains and Lieutenants were members of the senior class. By constant effort and attention to duty, I was fortunate enough to reach the grades of Corporal Sergeant-Major, and First Lieutenant,

[Page 13]
89.
ranking near the head of my class in my last three years of college.)

Finally, after four years of study and the discipline of military life, such as I have described, I graduated in eleventh place among my classmates of forty four members. Graduation was another happy event for me. To celebrate this occasion we attended a class Banquet given by Allan Moore, of Charleston, to his class. After separating from friends at this elaborate banquet we were free, happy over our success and, as we said, ‘educated.’

I must not close the subject of my college career without honorable mention of some of my closest friends. I have mentioned Allan Moore whose hospitable home in Charleston extended open doors to me, and who was my

[Page 14]
room-mate for several semesters. Several years after graduation, Allan did me the honor to ask me to take the part of best-man at his wedding. Unfortunately for me, I was then stationed at San Antonio, Texas, and was unable to comply with his request. Another fine Charlestonian was Jimmie Holmes who graduated as Senior Captain of the Cadet Corps and who gave his life for his country in World War Number One. My bridge partners were Toney Jackson, Hughey Tindal and Cheney Moore. Another room-mate for several semesters was Samuel Reid, of Rock Hill, now deceased, who later married Betty Leathers - an old girlfriend of mine. Pete Hudgens and Bob Porter and, lest I omit someone, I refer you to my college annual of 1915 - for others

[Page 15]
91.a
whom I count as my friends. WIth the above account, I shall close the discussion of my college career. *(See p. 91b)

x x x x x

Taking advantage of two opportunities which were open to me while I was a cadet, I found that my immediate future was provided for. Upon hearing that the Federal government was holding an examination in Charleston for civil service applicants, I went to the Post Office one Saturday morning and stood this examination. Later, I was notified by the Civil Service Commission that I had passed the examination successfully and that my name was placed on file for future reference. Before anything further was heard of this, I was offered a position as teacher, upon graduation, in the Laurens City Schools. I accepted this offer and,

[Page 16]
during the Summer after my graduation, made plans accordingly.

In September, 1915, I located at Laurens, S.C. and started my first employment job as teacher of the 7th grade boys. My arrangements included engaging a room in the home of Burke Clardy and table board next door in the Bennett home. I found that the boys in my class were inclined to be unruly and, having been accustomed to strict discipline myself, I often resorted to the rattan as means of instilling discipline into them. The superintendent, Mr. B.L. Parkinson, upheld me in my method in which I must have set a new record for this school. In addition to teaching, I also organized two military companies of boys in the high school and coached the football team for the school. Both of these undertakings proved

[Page 17]
91-b
Other than a college education, my equipment to start the big task of making a living included an inheritance of practical knowledge and a strong physique. It also included, by inheritance and early training, a strong belief in our Heavenly Creator and in the Christian way of living as demonstrated by Christ on earth. As previously stated, my parents had insisted on honesty and truthfulness in our dealings with others. This inheritance had imbued us (my family) with a high standard of self-respect. Therefore, whenever I indulged in any acts which I considered below the Christian standard, I was ashamed of such acts and did not care to mention them, much less to boast of them. I also inherited my father’s trait of persistence in my undertakings and was oftimes complimented for persevering in small tasks, or problems, until I had mastered them. Although my ambitions were

[Page 18]
not definitely formed in my own mind, I was inclined toward the profession of law. Next to law, the military profession appealed to me. At any rate, during an intermediate period of work I found that my second choice of professions fitted into threatening international conditions of the time.

x x x x x

[Page 19]
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successful and popular. Our football team was unbeaten and the military companies did well.

It was at Laurens that the big event of my life was made possible. I met, and immediately fell in love with, one of Lauren’s charming debutants, Ruth Easterly who later became my wife and is now your mother. I taught two of Ruth’s brothers, Tom and Ambrose during the time that I was in Laurens and this furnished an opportunity for some of my calls at Ruth’s home under the guise of home-contact calls in the interest of my pupils. At first, in face of much competition, I did not appear to make a very favorable impression on the Easterly Family. However, I was persistent in my attentions and, ‘as distance makes the

[Page 20]
heart grow fonder’, I continued my courtship by mail while I was in the trenches overseas. I even arranged with my brother, Walter, to send flowers to Ruth on certain occasions during my absence. My perseverance finally won as I shall mention later.

Completing my first year at Laurens at $70.00 per month - for nine months-, I accepted an offer to teach High School history in the same school for the following year at $90.00 per month for the school year. After three months of my second year’s work I received a letter from the War Department, in Washington, offering me a position as Departmental Clerk in Washington at $1000.00 per year - this as a result of the Civil Service Examination which

[Page 21]
95
I have mentioned. I accepted this offer, resigned as a school-teacher, and reported for duty in The Adjutant General’s office during Christmas Holidays of 1916.

In Washington I was assigned to duty as File Clerk in the Reserve Officers’ Section of the War Department. My office was in the stately State War Navy Building on the White House side. Several times I was able to look out of my office window and see President Wilson getting into his automobile while on his way to the Capitol. On account of the imminence of war, work in my office grew by leaps and bounds. Government clerks were often requested to volunteer for two hours of additional work at night in order to catch

[Page 22]
up with unfinished work of the day.

My desk-partner and newly made friend, one Ormond from Wisconsin, and I rented a room together in the 1900 block of “I” street for which we paid $25.00 per month. I arranged for morning and evening meals at a convenient boarding house and ate lunch at a nearby lunch room during our one half hour lunch period. My work was of the ‘white collar’ type and, normally, required seven hours each day. However, it was very confining and when I saw around me men who had spent the best part of their lives in this endless work, with little chance of advancement, I decided to avoid this ‘rut’ and to look for employment out in the open. Many of the

[Page 23]
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older clerks, by attending night classes at Georgetown or George Washington Universities, had obtained degrees in law and medicine but lacked courage to venture out in a profession, and followed the path of least resistance by continuing their jobs as clerks. One morning during a fifteen-minute break in our work period, the chief of my section announced, “I have been at this work for fifty-two years today.” He was grey headed and I believe was receiving a salary of $1800.00 per year at that time.

Fate came to my rescue and presented an opportunity for me to do better for myself and, at the same time, to serve my country. The War Department, in preparation for what seemed inevitable participation in the World War, was building a large Army and was looking for leaders for this Army.

[Page 24]
Examinations were being held to select qualified leaders from civil occupations and to appoint successful candidates as Second Lieutenants. Considering that my training at the Citadel qualified me for appointment as Second Lieutenant in our Army, I arranged to take the examination which was held at Fort Meyer, VA., in January, 1917. This examination required about two weeks of written tests but, on account of my college diploma, I was exempt the elementary tests and underwent about one week of written tests on advanced subjects. While awaiting the result of this examination, I continued my clerical work in Washington.

Employment in our capital city offered many advantages. There were innumerable places and activities of

[Page 25]
99.
interest and of educational value. I spent many of my evenings in the capital listening to debates of our Congressmen, or in patronizing some of the fine theatre offerings.”The Birth of a Nation” was one play being presented at that time to arouse patriotism in citizens of a nation which was on the verge of war. Other evening events included social gatherings of government employees, by States, usually including dinner and a dance at one of the hotels. The beautiful parks, monuments and museums, and public buildings furnished a variety of interests for our week-ends. I was able to witness my first Presidential Inauguration - that of President Wilson, in 1917 - and the magnificent parade up Pennsylvania Avenue which is a part of the inauguration. The Inaugural Parade was rivaled by

[Page 26]
Admiral Dewey’s Funeral Procession which I also witnessed.

x x x x x

In the meantime war was declared on April 6, 1917, and all other activities were subordinated to our war effort - the Army then become all-important.

I had a friend in the office of the War Department where our examination papers were being graded. On June 7th he notified me that I had passed the examination and was eligible for a commission in the Army. I thereupon walked across the hall from my office, accepted an appointment as Second Lieutenant, returned to my office and resigned my clerical position. My salary for this appointment including a promotion which dated from June 7th, became larger

[Page 27]
101.
than that of the chief of my section in the War Department, - and I thus secured an outdoor profession of my liking. Since applicants for this examination were from the United States, at large, - some as far away as the Philippine Islands - and successful applicants were to be ordered as a class to a training camp, it required several weeks to notify, and receive acceptance of appointments, of all candidates. I therefore left my address so that I could be reached by mail and returned to Greenwood to await orders. My commission was dated June 5th, 1917, and I accepted the appointment on June 7th.

In due time I received orders to report to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, for training, as a member of the Third Provisional Officers’ Battalion.

[Page 28]
All appointments in the Regular Army from civil life at that time were provisional for two years - two such classes had preceded us to Fort Leavenworth. The first class, being composed of fifty seven members, brought onto itself and to future classes the sobriquet of ‘Pickle Classes’ - from Heinz famous 57 varieties of Pickles. The important distinction between members of the provisional officers’ classes and officers of the later training camps was that all members of the Provisional Officers Battalions were appointed as officers in the Regular Army prior to their being ordered to training camp; while members of Officers Training camps, who successfully completed the course of training, received emergency commissions in the Army of the United

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103.
States at the termination of their training periods. Both types of these new appointees were sometimes facetiously referred to by older officers as ‘90-Day Wonders.’

My introduction to the Army was made at Fort Leavenworth when the Third Provisional Officers Battalion assembled there about July 15th for a period of intensive training. There were about five hundred of us from almost every state in the Union. The training schedule started at 7 o’clock each morning and continued until 5 o’clock in the afternoon, followed by a study period of two hours each night. An effort was made to teach the latest methods in tactics and technique which were being used on the battlefields of France. It was a strenuous period, including such exhausting

[Page 30]
work-outs as bayonet practice across a trench system in July and August heat reaching to 110 degrees. Many of our instructors later held important positions in our overseas Army.

The hardships of training were broken by intervals of pleasure and recreation. The nearby metropolis of Kansas City furnished many places of amusement which we patronized on week-ends. The only class social function was the Graduation Hop which was held near the end of the training period - about the middle of September. This Hop was held in the Post Auditorium. Debutants [sic] and fiances from far and wide were extended invitations. My dance partner was an acquaintance from Kansas City. When the time arrived to terminate the dance, about 3 o’clock in

[Page 31]
105
the morning, a vote was taken to decide whether to end a joyful gay affair or to continue it until daylight. The vote was unanimous for continuing he dance. We danced until daylight, and just allowed time to change to work clothes and report to reville formation. For my part, I thoroughly enjoyed the all-night dance but, having worn new dress shoes for the occasion, my feet were sore for several weeks thereafter.

In August, 1917, all members of our class (The Third P.O.B.) were promoted to the grade of First Lieutenant with rank and pay dating from original appointments (in my case from June 7th.)

Our training period ended about Sept. 20th and we were sent in every direction for duty with organizations. My first assignment was to the 61st Infantry, then stationed in Gettysburg

[Page 32]
National Park, Pa. Arriving there about Sept. 22nd, I was assigned to duty with company “E.” My tent in our tent-camp in the park was only a short distance from ‘Bloody Angle’ of that historic battlefield. The regiments there - the 4th, 7th, 58th, 59th, 60th, and 61st. Infantry regiments - had been recently recruited and were heavily engaged in organizing, equipping, and training these recruits.

About one month after my arrival at Gettysburg, orders were received to organize a Machine Gun Battalion and a Mortar Battalion from personnel to be selected from Infantry regiments there. These new battalions were for the purpose of completing the organization of the Second Regular Division which was enroute overseas. I was selected as one of the officers for the

[Page 33]
107.
Machine Gun Battalion. Transfers and organization of the new units, started about Nov. 1st. I was assigned to Company “B” of what was later designated as the Fourth Machine Gun Battalion - under Captain W.R. White. Our enlisted personnel were largely Poles, from Pennsylvania coal mines, and many of them could hardly speak the English language. During November, as a severe winter approached, we were quite busy in our efforts to organize, equip, and partly organize and train a new unit. Machine guns were not available and the organization tables were provisional and subject to changes.

Shortly after December the first, we found ourselves in a tent-camp with fourteen inches of snow around our tents and with the inadequate heating equipment of small Sibley stoves. A

[Page 34]
severe winter was upon us; that is the two new battalions found themselves in this predicament, because the infantry regiments had gone to training camps in South Carolina. Each day and night a number of our tents were burned by fire caused by sparks from the small stoves which we stoked continuously in an effort to keep warm.

Believing that our small units had been overlooked by the War Dept., in its stupendous task of organizing, equipping and training an Army, our battalion commander telegraphed to the War Dept., stating our predicament, and requested that we be moved either to a Southern camp or overseas. Within about a week after this request we were enroute to Portland, Maine, by troop train to embark for duty overseas.

[Page 35]
109.
For the next few weeks we were being transported by various means to the Second Division training area in France. Arriving in Portland, we embarked on the transport, H.M.S. Canada, with a group of Canadian officers of the Royal Flying Corps, and sailed to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Halifax had just experienced a terrible and tragic explosion* of mysterious origin, and wreckage of buildings could be seen from our ship. We anchored offshore and found that other troop transports were being assembled there. Then, on Dec. 24th, 1917, a convoy of about eleven transports set sail from Halifax to some port overseas.

The sea voyage, being my first, was thrilling to me. Possible attacks by enemy submarines on our convoy made black-outs necessary from the

*A shipload of explosives was detonated in the harbor at Halifax in the Fall of 1917, causing many deaths and much property damage.

[Page 36]
beginning of the voyage and kept us on the alert. Several days at sea were so foggy that it was necessary for each ship, of the eleven in our convoy, to sound its foghorn about every fifteen minutes in order to avoid collisions. The weird sound of fog horns during the black of night impressed us with the serious and grim reality of the occasion. When we were about two days out from England, a naval escort of four or five Destroyers - submarine chasers - joined our convy and furnished protection for the remainder of the voyage. During one of these last days, it was thought that a German submarine was sighted on our port side. The sub-chasers raced to the spot where the submarine was believed to have appeared, circled that area until

[Page 37]
111.
the convoy had passed safely by, and then resumed their positions around our convoy.

On about the thirtieth of December we landed at Liverpool and spent one or two nights in a miserable debarkation camp at that port. The weather was extremely cold, most of the comforts of life were lacking, and our temporary stop-over was all but pleasant. I remember sleeping on a bunk made of wooden frame with chicken-fence wire for a mattress and wrapped, fully clothed, in eleven dirty army blankets. In spite of this covering, I spent a cold sleepless night. Some of us were able to visit the city of Liverpool and to experience our first food rationing at the eating places. Of certain items of food, we were allowed limited quantities and no more.

From Liverpool we travelled by

[Page 38]
troop train to Southampton and embarked on a small cattle boat for the short trip across the English Channel. This travel was made at night and was an unpleasant experience. Our officers managed to get a little sleep on the floor or tables of the one cabin, while the enlisted men occupied dirty cattle stalls on a lower deck. Thus we landed at La Havre, France, on Jan. 2, 1918.

From La Havre we travelled by the French troop train, 40 - hombres, 20 Chevaux type, to the training area of the American Second Division around Bourmont, France. This train had a dilapidated, unheated coach for officers and box cars for enlisted men. The cold weather and missing window panes in our coach made this trip very uncomfortable but, as the French

[Page 39]
113.
said ‘C’est la Guerre.” Several of our men rebelled at the idea of travelling in box cars but they were soon persuaded to get aboard. A few months later, after weary hikes along the battle area, these same men were happy to travel in such a train.

Our destination was the small twin French towns of Graffigny-Chemin, near Bourmont, in the Haute Marne Province. In this area near the Verdun battle front, officers of our battalion were billeted in homes of the villagers and enlisted men occupied vacant halls, hay lofts, and vacant sheds wherever space could be found. My room was in the home of two elderly French women in the town of Graffigny. This room was plainly furnished but was quite comfortable.

In this area we received combat

[Page 40]
equipment to include Hotchkiss Machine Guns (french weapons), and Ford trucks for transporting weapons and men. Our battalion was here designated as the Fourth Machine Gun Battalion - the Divisional Battalion - and was reduced to two companies. My real war training started here as second in command of Co. “B”, 4th M.G.Bn. Training included familiarizing our personnel with the mechanics of their new weapons, with machine gun firing, marching and combat problems. On account of cold weather and snow-covered ground, training was difficult. The snow proved of advantage in our firing problems for the reason that we were able to make patterns with our fire and see them patterns on the hill-sides with our fire. Our personnel were kept physically fit by marches over slushy

[Page 41]
115.
roads. After returning from these hikes my kindly hostesses usually had a small glass of Cognac and a warm fire ready for me.

Even in wartime one must have relief from a strenuous grind of training. For diversions our battalion officers held dances once or twice each month. Not far from Graffigny was an American Hospital with nurses from Indianapolis, Indiana, whom we invited as our guests and partners for the dances. Our Ford trucks were used to bring our guests to the dance and to carry them back. These affairs left us in better humor for work for the following weeks.

With progress made in preliminary training, the time arrived when we should complete this training in a quiet trench sector. About March 17, 1918, - just about the time that the German High

[Page 42]
Command decided to make it’s desperate victory offensive - we moved into the trenches near Verdun and took over a part of their long battle line. This sector had experienced some of the severest fighting of the war when in 1914, and again in 1916, the German Army had made gigantic but unsuccessful efforts for a break through the French line and the French had made good their slogan, “ils ne passe pas” (they shall not pass). These attacks had cost the Germans about half a million men, the flower of her army. After these. After the failures by the German Army in this area, the Verdun sector had become a quiet one for both opposing armies.

At this point I want to digress long enough to state that it is not my intention, or desire, to bore you

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117.
with strategical and tactical military maneuvers which you would not understand, anyway, and which can be found in histories in my small library under the following titles: ‘The Second American Division in the World War’; ‘The Ninth U.S. Infantry in the World War’; and, from the War Department records, of ‘The Fourth Machine Gun Battalion in the World War’. I shall therefore limit my discussions to experiences which were interesting to me and which I hope will prove of interest to you.

In the Verdun Sector the opposing trenches at some points were so close together that handgrenades could be thrown from one trench to the other. At some points along the trenches, French sentries looked at German sentries at short distances from each other without

[Page 44]
any attempt of either sentry to fire upon his adversary. By silent agreement this had become a rest area for both sides.

However, this arrangement did not suit the fresh American troops. We had not undergone hardships and crossed the ocean to look at our enemy; to use the vernacular of that time, we said: ‘wherever American troops entered the battle line, business picked up.’ To help business pick up our troops were somewhat reckless and careless in exposing their movements to German observation, they thus let it be known where they were, and they fired at any enemy who exposed himself to view. From the German viewpoint, their High Command wanted to capture American prisoners in order to determine what manner of men

[Page 45]
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their new enemy was composed of. ‘No Man’s Land’ therefore became active with patrols, and raids were made by both opponents into positions of their enemy.

During one of the German night raids on our position here in which a portion of trenches held by units of the 9th Infantry, and supported by my machine guns, was raided. Sgt. Deardon - who commanded a machine gun section of my company lined his men up behind the dugout they occupied and had them fire a pistol barrage toward the German lines. Since this was done in darkness, it could not possibly do any harm to the enemy. The next day when I visited this sectioned, learned of his action, and inquired the reason for this queer action, he stated that

[Page 46]
he knew that he should do something, that he could not endanger our troops by firing machine guns into their area, so he had his men elevate their pistols and fire all of their pistol ammunition toward the German lines.

About the first of May (1918) I received a promotion to the grade of Captain (temporary). Captain White was transferred to another duty and thereafter I became Commander of Co. “B” 4th M.G.Bn. I made, what I considered, a few improvements in the daily operation of the company. These included, to the gratification of my platoon leaders, a bicycle messenger from my headquarters to each of the platoon leaders every morning and afternoon. The company commander was required to make one inspection of his company each day.

Upon receipt of notification of my promotion I celebrated by giving a champagne party to the officers of my battalion near our headquarters. Even as we were celebrating, German artillery

[Page 47]
(121) shells were being fired over the small house in the woods which we were temporarily occupied.

Life in the trenches was quite different from that in a training area. My company covered a considerable frontage and required several miles of travel on foot and through trenches to visit all of the platoons. Our positions and movements had to be concealed from enemy view and everyone must be on the alert for enemy positions and movements. As a platoon leader, I had lived for a short time in a small dugout with my platoon sergeant. This position was damp, congested, and lacked all the comforts of life. Some of the discomforts, including trench lice, were ever present. As company commander, I had a more comfortable headquarters in a woods just back of the trench system. Meals to the platoons were sent up in Marmite cans to the trenches and these cans were

[Page 48]
then carried by hand, or astride a small burrow, to the platoon positions. Food consisted chiefly of army stew, french bread, jam or marmalade, some vegetables, and coffee. Canned meats and bread were oftimes stored in the trenches for use between meals, or in emergency. Concerning the discomforts, trench lice were ever present in some parts of the travel system. The soldiers estimate of these creatures, which we called cooties, expressed mathematically, was: ‘They added to one's troubles, subtracted from one’s pleasures, divided one’s attention, and multiplied like hell.’

With the experience of trench life and small combat activities, our training advanced to a stage in which we gained confidence in ourselves and in our units. We felt able to compete in more difficult situations.

[Page 49]
123
The German High Command, after discovering that their new enemy was a formidable one, decided to make a final grand effort for victory before we had arrived in France in sufficient numbers to have a decisive influence. Their big offensive had started in March, 1918, and continued with unabated fury to about July. To oppose their attacks required all available allied troops - the partially trained ones as well as the Veterans.

Our first emergency call to assist in stopping German attacks came the latter part of May. My battalion was at that time in a rest area near the Marne River generally west of Verdun. All members of the battalion had indulged in a bath by plunging into the river and thirty or forty of us, including myself, had developed a fever

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within a few hours of this bath. Knowing that a move was about to be made by our unit, the surgeon at once evacuated those with fever to hospitals. I was transported by an ambulance, driven by a Scotch chauffeuress, to an American hospital in Paris. During the five days that I remained in Paris, Big Bertha was firing into the city from about 75 miles distance. As the shells were heard to approach, I noticed nurses in the hospital shrink in anxious suspense until the explosions were heard. When I was able to walk around, I visited the scene of one of these explosions a few blocks from my hospital. This shell had exploded in a second-story room of a brick building and had crumbled the part of the building

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into the street. In the meantime my battalion had moved with the Division to assist in stopping a German drive on Paris.

This was the beginning of our Chateau-Thierry campaign. When I took command of my company again I found it in reserve, and my Division was hastily deploying astride the Paris-Metz Road between Meaux and Chateau-Thierry (about May 31st). The roads along my approach were congested with French refugees and stragglers from the disheartened French troops. Their distressing greeting to us was “La Guerre est finis (the war is over). American troops reached this position just in time to save the town of Meaux - and Paris about 25 miles west of that town. As German assault units reached our

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lines, they were mowed down with a withering fire from guns of all calibers. This stopped them, and Paris was saved for the second time in this war:

For the month of June and the early part of July, the Chateau-Thierry campaign continued by our counter-attacks in driving the enemy back. In these counter-attacks the Marines of my division made themselves famous at Belleau Woods and the Third Brigade captured Vaux and other prominent terrain features. My company was employed to relieve other machine gun units, first, in the early part of June, in support of units of the Third Brigade, and again in the latter part of June to support units of the Marine (4th) Brigade in Belleau Woods. This woods became a hotly

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contested position for both opposing forces.

In entering Belleau Woods to relieve a Marine machine gun unit, my company was guided into position by night, and by squads. In approaching the woods we crossed several gassed ravines near the town of Lucy and were forced to use gas masks. A guide took my company headquarters unit to its position and I did not know until the following day just where my platoons were located.

While I was on the first visit to my platoons I was about to pass through a thinly held, poorly defined, line of Marines when a young Marine officer drew his pistol on me and had me to demanded that I raise my hands and identify myself. After I had presented my identification card containing a photograph of myself, he warned me that I was heading straight into

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the German lines, and pointed out to me one of his men, immediately ahead, who had just been wounded by an enemy bullet. I was easily persuaded to make a detour and continued my mission by passing in rear of our line.

I remained in Belleau Woods in support of the Third Battalion, 5th Marines, about two weeks, being relieved on July 4th: During the period I only removed my clothing to take a bath which was done by daylight and by use of a canteen cup of water. Our food was sent up by night in cans from my kitchen which was about four miles to the rear of me. In addition to army stew and coffee brought to us twice each night, we had french bread and some canned meat and

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marmalade stored in the trenches we occupied. German 77mm guns and Minnenuverfers made the days and nights hideous. There was a stench of dead human bodies in fields around the woods. Each time that our chaplain took a burial detail into these fields by daylight, German artillery opened fire on the detail and stopped their work. These dead consisted of both German and American bodies.

To drive out the enemy from a corner of this woods which he persisted in holding, our troops were withdrawn for a distance of 1000 yards while a heavy artillery concentration was placed on his position for 24 hours. Then, on June 26th, after this terrific blasting, my company followed the 3rd. Bn. 5th Marines and took the woods almost without opposition.

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In passing through the area which the Germans had held, following the advance of our troops, I saw many enemy troops dead and dying, - some of those who were dead still held their automatic weapons to their shoulders as they had died. During the heavy bombardment some of my company headquarters personnel captured two German soldiers who were moving away from the shell fire. These were the first prisoners my men had taken and they were quite excited and thrilled when they brought the prisoners to me.

Having stopped the German drive on Paris at Chateau-Thierry, and having exhausted her strength along other parts of the long battle line while allied strength was increasing by the addition of an American Army, our allied

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armies were now ready to assume the offensive against Germany to bring her to her knees. The first big allied counter-offensive of 1918 started at Soissons. My division was to play a prominent part in this attack - along with the first American and first Moroccan divisions. For this offensive we moved by motor transportation to positions of concealment in a large woods just in rear of our jump-off line. My battalion arrived in this woods by night on a road that was litterally [sic] jammed with transportation, and on a night so dark that one could not see his hands before him.

It was the night before the attack - July 17th. The congestion of traffic, and total darkness did not permit us to advance to our position in reserve and we were forced to await daylight

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on the road a few mile short of our assigned position.

However, assault units reached their line of departure with difficulty and launched an attack at dawn on July 18th. At daylight my company moved forward, by marching, to a reserve position near Division Headquarters at Vente Fuelle Fume. (Green Leaf Farm). As customary in reserve positions, I had my guns mounted for anti-aircraft fire. During the day of July 18th we did lots of firing at enemy airplanes. Several times during this day I took over the gunner’s position myself and fired many rounds at enemy aircraft which was flying low over division headquarters. Unfortunately, I did not bring down a plane.

While we were at Vente Fuelle Fume, and sometime after the early

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morning attack had started, a crack French Cavalry regiment passed along the road by our position. It looked as if it were going on parade. I watched this regiment debouch from the woods, form hastily in a bowl-shaped open field while enemy aircraft was harassing it with fire, and then deploy and disappear from sight toward the German lines. I never saw any of the Cavalrymen again but heard that they suffered heavy casualties in their attack.

About four (4:00 P.M.) o’clock that afternoon Col. Preston Brown came to me and said, “Captain, is this your company?” I saluted and replied, “Yes Sir.” He then said, “You will take your company down this road about 2 ½ miles from here and report to the commanding officer of the 9th Infantry, immediately.” I knew Col. Brown was Chief of Staff

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of my division but did not know him by sight. Having been warned to check on orders received, I ask, “And who is this giving orders, please?” He replied, “This is Preston Brown, Chief of Staff, is that sufficient?” I replied, “That is sufficient.” I then formed my company and lead it in the direction indicated. My men were carrying their machine gun equipment by hand.

After advancing a short distance we were out of the woods and into an open field which showed some of the sears of battle. As we continued marching, we passed several pieces of our light artillery placed in the open with only light overhead camouflage to conceal them from enemy view. These artillery pieces were firing at German

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artillery pieces, similarly placed, near the edge of a woods about two miles away. The puffs of smoke from their guns could be seen as they fired. These opposing artillerymen must have been engaged in direct counter-battery fire. Several enemy planes were circling and firing upon our artillerymen as we passed.

I arrived at my destination shortly before five o’clock and found the 9th Infantry in a deep ravine, near Vierzy, in the process of reorganizing. Upon reporting to Col. R.O. Vaushorn? (Col. Leroy S. Upton
?) I was told, “This is my regiment (pointing), we jump off in attack in ten minutes, make your dispositions to support us.” As reformed, the regiment appeared about the size of a battalion. I therefore disposed my platoons to follow in support of the infantry, and moved

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forward with my company a short distance ‘over the top’ to check its formation. I then established my headquarters near that of the 9th Infantry in the ravine.

In this ravine had drifted many wounded American from the day’s fighting. The suffering, bleeding and gnawing from them was heart rending. I sent a messenger to our nearest first aid station to report this deplorable condition and offered to assist in getting some of the wounded back for treatment. My messenger returned with a report from the aid station that the wounded were being cared for as rapidly as possible and that the aid station would move forward as soon as it could possibly do so.

The attack that afternoon was another bitter one. Our assault troops drew heavy fire as soon as they

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left the cover of the ravine. The 9th Infantry was again badly shot-up and my company lost three of its twelve machine gun crews by casualties. However, we made an advance.

On the morning of July 19th I took a messenger and started forward to locate my platoons in the battle line. While moving forward we were continuously fired upon by an enemy sniper from a woods a few hundred yards to our left. His range was good but his direction was a trifle off: dust from his bullets was constantly kicked up about twenty feet ahead of me. I warned my messenger against pointing at any of these dust spots and thereby giving the sniper the correction he needed. I also passed through a grain field in which were many wounded Moroccan troops.

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I had to pass them by without being able to relieve their suffering. Having located my platoon, which had become scattered and disorganized, I had them to reorganize and then redistributed them to better support the thinly held 9th Infantry line. Two of my officers and three complete machine gun crews, including two faithful old sergeants had been killed or wounded in this attack. One of these officers suffered from shell-shock, the first real case of this phobia which I had witnessed. He was speechless and acted as if he were terribly frightened. In his condition, he was worse than useless on the battlefield.

About dark on July 19th word came that we would be relieved during the night. Orders and relief came in due time and we moved,

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under cover of darkness, to a reserve position in a woods to our rear.

For my part in this engagement, I received two decorations, the American Silver Star and the French Croix de Guerre. Many of my men also received decorations and citations upon my recommendations.

After a few days in this reserve position, we moved farther to the rear for rest and reorganization. From this location, on about July 27th, I was transferred and, by Division orders, was assigned to command the Machine Gun Company of the Ninth Infantry - then located at Courtisols. This was an animal drawn unit, so I gave up my Ford Truck Company and took over a company equipped with about sixty animals, including the company quota of the Service Company animals.

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In looking over the horses assigned to this company, with a view to selecting one for my use, I admired a fine looking, sorrel colored, spirited animal which the soldiers had named Dynamite. My old first Sergeant, ‘Buster Brown’, warned me against this horse saying that he was dangerous. However, I had him saddled for a try-out. After a little pitching and rearing which he displayed, I rode him for awhile at a full gallop across country and got rid of his surplus energy. I found Dynamite to be a fine saddle horse and selected him for my future private use. He served me faithfully through our marches during the remainder of the war, for the 200-mile march to the Rhine River after the war, and for the time that I served

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with the Army of Occupation in Germany.

At Courtisols, a training schedule under supervision of the Divisional Machine Gun Officer was carried out. This training ended near the middle of August when we moved by rail to Nancy for a tour in the trenches in Luneville Sector. For this move the M.G. Companies of the 9th Infantry and the 23rd Infantry regiments occupied one train.

Upon arrival of our train at Toul, about thirty miles west of Nancy, a French railway employee informed me that the train would stop at Toul for about forty five minutes. Since my animals had not been watered for some time, I desired to water them during this stop. Leaving my hat and coat in the coach, I walked toward the station house to inquire about the location of water. When I had

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gone only a short distance, the train began to move forward. I watched it for a minute and, seeing that it was apparently pulling out, I attempted to catch it. No luck. My officers saw that I was left behind and waved a farewell to me. I then returned to the station house and inquired if there were any American troops located in Toul. Being informed that an air unit headquarters was a few blocks away, I went direct to this headquarters. I informed the Adjutant of the air unit of my predicament and asked for transportation to Nancy. He told me that a mechanic was working on a car nearby and as soon as the car was repaired that I could use it. In a few minutes I was in this car urging the driver to speed towards Nancy. I thus arrived at the station in

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Nancy, still without hat and coat, a few minutes ahead of my train and waved a greeting to my officers as the train pulled into the station.

Duty in the Luneville Sector was rather quiet, - routine trench duty which my regiment performed by reliefs of battalions. I took advantage of this period for a leave of absence and spent seven days in Bordeaux while a large part of Paris had moved there. It was a pleasant diversion to be away from the battle area for awhile and I enjoyed the visit to Bordeaux. Other than this diversion and routine trench duty, the time here was spent in training.

Early in September there was talk of a big American offensive. Some units even rehearsed the part they were to play in the offensive. Troops were

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mobilizing for the St. Mihiel Offensive and we found our units soon moving in that direction. Then orders for the attack were received and final preparations were made. For this attack my company was attached to the 3rd Battalion of my regiment which was commanded by Maj. Robert L. Denig, a Marine officer. My division was given a spearhead position with Thiacourt as its objective.

On the night of September 11th-12th my company followed the Third Battalion through the shell-battered town of Limey, then through muddy communication trenches to an advanced trench designated as our line of departure. A slow rain was falling, there were obstacles across the trenches, and my men were carrying their heavy machine gun equipment,

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all of which added to the difficulty of getting into position on this dark night. Through the rain and mud we reached our jump-off position about mid-night. A check showed that our assault troops were in position for the attack.

Promptly at one o’clock our artillery units, supported by French Artillery commenced a devastating bombardment - probably the heaviest ever delivered by American Artillery. A continuous deafening roar sounded in every direction as if from a heavy thunder storm. Shortly before five o’clock, with the roar of artillery still sounding, our gas and flame units, howitzer weapons and many machine guns joined in firing upon the German position. It looked and sounded as a glorified National Fourth of July celebration. This

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sound and visible fire display must have been as terrifying to our enemy as it was encouraging to us.

Then at 5:00 A.M., just at dawn, in the midst of this fire support, the assault units left their jump-off positions and went ‘over the top.’ Our pioneer troops had cut lanes through barbed wire entanglements ahead of us during the night and, as the first faint light of dawn permitted, an endless line of small columns of attacking troops could be seen advancing. As the light and visibility increased the length of our attacking line seemed to increase - and still the ends could not be seen. Artillery fire was lifted and proceeded the assault with creeping barrages of fire as the assault troops advanced. The continuance of fire support and

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the great number of troops which could be seen advancing in attack were again reassuring of success.

This was the first large-scale offensive by an American force and our high command was determined that it should be successful. There was very little resistance encountered to our advance. Our direction of attack took us through a heavy woods, Bois du Four, and it was along the edge of this woods that my first machine gun fire was directed to dislodge enemy troops who were slowing up the advance of our assault units. We took many prisoners, and I collected several valuable trophies, in this woods. As we entered an open field just beyond this woods a dappled grey saddle horse, with full saddle equipment, galloped excitedly towards us. Some of my men

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caught the horse and brought him to me. Since we were not being fired upon, I mounted this horse and rode him several hundred yards while advancing - until Major Denig reminded me that I made a conspicuous target for the enemy - then I sent him back to my company train. This horse was evidently a German officer’s mount which had been saddled to take his rider to the rear, and had broken loose: his equipment even included such articles as cigars. We reached our objective at Thiacourt without meeting serious resistance. More prisoners and equipment were captured near Thiacourt. Since our advance was so easy, all of us wanted to keep going, but we were informed that no ad-

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vance would be made beyond this objective.

Shortly after our advance stopped, the Germans made several counter-attacks around Thiacourt and Jaulny. Jaulny was taken and retaken several times before we finally broke up these counter-attacks. My machine gunners did good work in assisting to break up the enemy attacks near Jaulny. During their firing Lt. Beach had one gunner who was killed by a bullet through his head. Lt. Beach took the gunner’s position and continued the fire against a German force forming for counter-attack. For this act Lt. Beach received a decoration upon my recommendation.

Among the war trophies I collected at St.Mihiel were two Luger pistols and two pair of German field glasses, also many ‘Got Mit Uns’ belt buckles.

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The trophy which I prized most was one of the Luger Pistols which I had taken good care of and brought with me to the Philippines. Now this weapon, like myself, is in the possession of the Japanese. I gave a pair of the field glasses to Walter and one of the belt buckles to Victor on my return from overseas. (my brothers).

Lt. Smith, the adjutant of the 3rd Bn., 9th Infantry, had a premonition that he would not survive the St. Mihiel drive, and made such an announcement to several of us at the jump-off line. Poor fellow, he was right because he was killed in Bois du Four within a few hours after the attack had started.

Relief had come to us at Thiacourt about September 17th, and we again moved back of the lines for rest

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and reorganization. The first big offensive by an American force had been a huge success, and our prestige and confidence in our own troops, were greatly enhanced.

Our next call to battle was not far off in point of time. This time we were attached to the French Fourth Army to participate in the Champagne (Meuse-Argonne) offensive. For beginning this campaign we marched to a battle scarred sector near Somme-Py where a French guide was to meet and guide us into attack position. As might have been expected, the guide could not be found and we were forced to moved to attack position by map and compass, and by night. All night long we were marched for short distances to points designated by our own personnel who

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were posted ahead of our marching column by a compass in the hands of some of our field-officers. Our position was reached about five o’clock in the morning of Oct. 3rd - only about one hour before we went over the top in attack. My personnel had carried heavy machine gun equipment all night, by hand.

The French troops whom we relieved here on Oct. 3rd had made an attack a few days before our arrival and had been driven back to their original position. They were of the opinion that our attack would fail.

However, after a short rest, the troops began forming for attack. Even as we formed the German Artillery placed a devastating concentration of fire on us. This hastened

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our preparations and caused us to move forward out of this fire. We had several casualties from the enemy artillery fire. One of my officers, Lt. Allen, was killed here while he was rendering first aid to one of his men who had received a wound. 

I wrote a letter of condolation [sic] to Lt. Allen’s parents in New York and had a letter of appreciation and inquiry in reply. Mr. Allen wanted to know the last words of his son, saying that he knew Lt. Allen would leave a message for his mother.

My division advanced ahead of French troops on both sides of us which exposed us to enemy fire on both flanks as well as from our front. Furthermore, our tanks which were to precede assault troops did

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not arrive on time and the attack was launched without them. After following assault troops with my company headquarters personnel for a short distance, I came to a sunken road which was receiving heavy enemy machine gun fire from our left flank. We halted short of this fire for a few minutes but, seeing that the fire did not decrease, I ordered my men to run across this road by small groups. Fortunately, we crossed through this band of enemy fire without a casualty.

A little farther forward we crossed a trench sector and a road beyond. Just as the last of our assaulting troops had crossed the road, an enemy machine gun fired into us from the trenches to our rear. We were pinned to the ground here when, fortunately, our belated

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tanks approached us moving along the road. We signalled to the tanks, by handkerchief signals, pointing out the direction of the enemy machine gun. The leading tanks immediately mounted the bank by the roadside, moved toward the machine gun, firing as they moved, and in a few minutes had killed the enemy gun crew and crawled over their gun. We were then able to continue the advance to our objective near Mediah Farm.

Arriving at the objective, I was able to direct some of my gunners on an enemy battery of artillery which was hastily preparing to move out. We caused them casualties in men and animals and expedited their departure.

(Continued in Note Book no. “C” with food & drink recipes - p. 157)

Citation

Hilton, Roy C., 1892-1950, “Journal of Roy C. Hilton, Note Book B: A Personal Letter, 1943-1944,” The Citadel Archives Digital Collections, accessed May 4, 2024, https://citadeldigitalarchives.omeka.net/items/show/829.